According to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, the right to self-determination is defined as “the rights of all peoples to pursue freely their economic, social and cultural development without outside interference” (United Nations, “The Right to Self-Determination). But in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Israel is preventing a vast majority of Palestinians from having these rights. Although Israel withdrew military presence from Gaza in 2005, its forces have been occupying the West Bank since 1967 (BBC, “Explainer”). Israel maintains complete control over everything that enters and exits Palestine (Eglash, “Does Israel Actually Occupy”). So despite the fact that prior to October 7, 2023 the Israeli army was not actively stationed in the Gaza strip, they still hold total influence. This occupation breeds resentment and discontent – which leads to the creation of groups like Hamas, formed in 1987. Children grow up experiencing discrimination and bloodshed; Palestinian children born in 2007 would have experienced four wars by the time they were only fourteen years old in 2021 (Visualizing Palestine, “Four Wars Old”). As a result, the children of Palestine might feel hate and anger towards Israel. It is a devastating cycle of trauma that only causes more violence and death. Many people might think that this current genocide against the Palestinian people was instigated by the events of October 7th. However, the injustice started long before then.
Because of the restrictions that Palestinians are under, the violence they face, and the rights that they are denied on the basis of race, human rights scholars agree that Palestine is occupied and under apartheid. In order to achieve a more permanent peace, Israel must withdraw completely from Palestine. This does not mean that no Jewish people would be allowed to live there anymore or that the state would not be a safe place for them – rather, it includes handing control of Palestine’s water, fuel, medicine, food, and borders over to the Palestinians. Reparations must be paid to the Nakba survivors and their families, and they must be allowed to return to the homes that were stolen from them. Israel’s system of apartheid needs to end. Through all of these steps, Palestinians will finally be granted the inalienable right to self-determination, and only then can we achieve peace in the Middle East.
Campaigns of Violence
It is critical that we start at the beginning. Kamala Harris has been quoted as saying that October 7th was “the first and most tragic story [of the violence]” (Miller, “Mideast Conflict Looms”) but this ignores the context of what came before. Ever since its conception, Israel has been launching repeated campaigns of violence against the Palestinian people. One of the largest of these campaigns was the Nakba in 1948. It was more than just the displacement of eighty percent of Palestine’s population – women were raped, children were killed, and over 500 villages were massacred (Sabbagh-Koury, “Colonizing Palestine”). The inciting incident for this was Zionists’ murder of the Shubaki family in 1947, which was in retaliation for members of the family sharing information with the British about the activities of a Zionist militant organization (Ben-Yehuda, “Political Assassinations by Jews,” 250). The Shubaki family assassination set in motion a chain of events that saw more than 15,000 Palestinians killed (Wright, “The Solemn History”). Zionist soldiers launched large-scale attacks on villages and hotels, and bombed cars, trains, and the Damascus Gate.
Perhaps the most well-known massacre from the Nakba is the Deir Yassin massacre. It occurred in mid-April 1948, and over 150 Palestinians were killed, including children. Soldiers armed with machine guns forced families out of their homes and executed them. Some villagers – many of whom were children (Levin, “Battle of Jerusalem,” 57) – were taken prisoner and paraded through West Jerusalem, where residents threw stones at them and cheered for their humiliation (Morris, “Historiography of Deir Yassin,” 79-107). Other massacres during the Nakba included the Ein al-Zeitun attack, which killed over seventy villagers and saw the town entirely depopulated (Pappe, “Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine”); the Abu Shusha massacre, which killed over sixty villagers (Sabbagh-Koury, “The Palestinians in Israel,” 23); the Tantura massacre, which killed over 200 villagers, many of whom were placed in a mass grave (Blackwell, “States of Denial,” 113-118); the al-Dawayima massacre, which killed over 100 villagers (Jawad, “Zionist Massacres,” 59-127); and the Safsaf massacre, in which at least fifty-two men were killed, burned, and buried in a pit (Khalidi, “All That Remains,” 465, 491, 546), and Zionist soldiers raped several women, including a fourteen-year-old girl (Morris, “Falsifying the Record,” 60).
Israel’s violence has not stopped in recent years, either. They have a pattern of targeting protected classes of people such as journalists and children. From 2001 to 2022, Israel targeted and killed twenty journalists. The Committee to Protect Journalists found that Israel is often dishonest about the events that occur surrounding a targeting, and that any investigation done by Israel is deliberately slow (Halpern, “Deadly Pattern”). In July of 2023, Israel conducted a raid in an occupied city in the West Bank called Jenin, and again targeted several journalists (International Federation of Journalists, “Palestine: Journalists Targeted”). A 2009 report by the Human Rights Watch discussed Israel’s use of white phosphorus over civilian populations in Gaza; this violates the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, specifically Protocol III, which refers to incendiary weapons (World Health Organization, “White Phosphorus”). The Human Rights Watch called these attacks “evidence of war crimes” (Human Rights Watch, “Israel: White Phosphorus Use”). From 2008–2009, during the Gaza War, Israeli forces killed 759 noncombatants, including 318 children, making for a 55% civilian death toll on the Palestinian side (B’Tselem, “After a Year of Protests”). Over 100,000 Palestinians were rendered homeless with the destruction of 46,000 homes (Filiu, “Gaza: A History,” 318). The death toll of Israelis was thirteen, ten of whom were soldiers (al-Mughrabi, “Israel Tightens Grip”). Then, over a period of three months in 2010, Israeli soldiers shot ten children who were collecting rubble (Sherwood, “Israeli Troops Accused”).
As a response to these attacks, Palestinians have attempted to protest non-violently, most notably via the Great March of Return in 2018–2019. They organized outside of the border wall between Gaza and Israel. A wide majority of the protesters were peaceful. Several people threw stones or attempted to cut the fence. This is comparable to the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, in which Germans gathered in large groups, crowded guards, demanded to be let through, and even breached the wall itself (Sarotte, “How it Went Down”). Yet the fall of the Berlin Wall is widely celebrated, while in Palestine’s Great March of Return, 223 Palestinians were killed (B’Tselem, “And Now for the Whitewashing”). Thirteen thousand were hospitalized, a “vast majority” with severe wounds (Times of Israel, “Israeli Use of Live Fire”). Israeli forces shot and killed seven children in only one day. They also shot an unnamed sixteen-year-old schoolboy in the leg, which required him to have three different amputations. He was standing eighty meters from the border fence (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner of Human Rights, “Commission of Inquiry”). Throughout all of the protests, only one Israeli was “slightly wounded” – a soldier who was injured by shrapnel from a grenade (Holmes, “Israel Faces Outcry”).
Stolen Land
The events of 1948 have had repercussions for the 76 years since. 750,000 people were displaced from their homes in what is called the Nakba. Most of these homes were quickly settled by Jewish families. Hundreds of villages were massacred, their inhabitants forcefully expelled. One such story is that of Lydda and Ramle – two towns that lay within the boundaries of the Arab State proposed by the United Nations’ 1947 Partition Plan (El-Eini, “Mandated Landscape,” 436). However, despite their location, they were captured by Israeli soldiers. The Israel Defense Forces removed seventy thousand villagers from their houses, which were then stolen by Israeli settlers (Neff, “Expulsion of the Palestinians,” 72). The towns of Lydda and Ramle have been renamed by Israel to Lod and Ramla (Yacobi, “The Jewish-Arab City,” 29).
Even today, illegal Israeli settlements exist all across Palestine – like in the West Bank. One example is the story of Awni Shaaeb’s family, whose land was stolen by settlers in 1975. They are not allowed to return to that land, despite the fact that it was once rightfully theirs, and the fact that such settlements are against international humanitarian law. Additionally, the Israeli settlers on the Shaaebs’ land are listing the property for rent on AirBnB. Awni’s story is not the only example of this happening: throughout March–July in 2018, Human Rights Watch found 139 illegal Israeli settlements listed for rent on AirBnB, all on stolen West Bank land. Out of all the land in the West Bank that the Israeli government has allowed third parties to use, 99.76% is specifically for Israeli civilians. Only 0.24% is designated for Palestinian civilians (Human Rights Watch, “Bed and Breakfast on Stolen Land”).
Occupation and Blockades
Not only does Israel control Palestinians’ land and houses, but it controls their medicine, water, electricity, food, and borders, too. The borders are closed. Everything else is heavily blockaded, which severely limits Palestinians’ quality of life and leaves them completely dependent on Israel. The World Health Organization has stated that Israel’s blockades have had severe detrimental effects on Gaza’s healthcare system. In order for Palestinians living in Gaza to access life-saving treatments out of the country, they must apply for permits from Israel – but this is a long and complicated process, and only 61% of people who undergo it are actually granted a permit (World Health Organization, “Right to Health,” 35). In 2017, fifty-four Palestinians died while waiting for emergency permits from Israel (Human Rights Watch, “Israel: Record Low”). In addition, Palestinian emergency medicine vehicles can be delayed by up to twenty-seven minutes at Israeli checkpoints in the West Bank (Rosenbloom, “Emergency Care,” 255–263). And Israel limits the type and amount of medical supplies that can enter Palestine, such as prosthetic limbs (World Health Organization, “Right to Health,” 9). Gaza has the largest population of child amputees in the world (Doughten, “OCHA Briefing”).
Aside from Palestine’s healthcare system failing, more than 96% of the water in Gaza is undrinkable – and Israel is refusing to allow necessary infrastructure to be built. Over 83% of the materials needed to construct this infrastructure are not allowed through the blockade, leaving Gaza’s residents thirsty and suffering (Oxfam, “Failing Gaza”). According to an Oxfam press release, “Security concerns cannot be used as a justification for violating the rights of civilians living under occupation.” Under Israeli control, Palestinians are forbidden from building water pumps, digging wells, accessing the Jordan River, or even collecting rainwater (Amnesty International, “The Occupation of Water”). Many homes do not have sewage systems, which forces residents to live in unsanitary conditions (Oxfam, “Failing Gaza”). Dr. Abdallah al-Kishawi, the lead nephrologist at Shifa Hospital, said in 2017 that the number of Gazans admitted to the hospital with kidney issues increases by over 13% each year (El Oun, “In War-Scarred Gaza”). Gaza does have a desalination plant to purify water and help combat these problems – but Israel only allows it to operate for four hours a day (Lazaro, “Water Crisis”).
Israel’s restrictions on Palestinians’ use of electricity are not limited to just that. The Israeli government only provides Gaza access to electricity for little more than half a day. They are faced with the choice between spending the equivalent of thousands of dollars a year on fuel to power generators, or turn to solar panels, and both have their own costs and challenges – a single solar system can cost up to thirty thousand dollars (al-Mughrabi, “Seeing No End”). Moreover, Palestinians have been killed by carbon monoxide poisoning or exploding generators (United Nations, “Gaza’s Electricity Crisis”). When Israel made heavy cuts to Gaza’s electricity supply in 2008, Malcolm Smart of Amnesty International said that they were “[making] an already dire humanitarian situation worse” (Amnesty International, “Israel Cuts Electricity”). In 2017, Amnesty condemned the continued blockade of electricity as “illegal.” Gazan power plants must purchase fuel from Israel at steep prices, and as a result can only operate for around twelve hours a day (Amnesty International, “Gaza: Looming Humanitarian Catastrophe”).
Another aspect of Palestinians’ lives with a daily limit is food intake. In 2008, under pressure from humanitarian groups, Israel revealed that they had only been letting in enough food to keep Palestinians from starving, and no more; this lasted for three years (BBC, “Israel Forced to Release”). Sari Bashi, the executive director of Israeli human rights organization Gisha, stated that Israel controls the “type and quantity of food that Palestinian residents of Gaza are permitted to consume” (Bashi, “‘Red Lines’ Presentation). Israel often claims that Hamas is hoarding aid, but humanitarian organizations say that Israel’s own blockade is making it difficult to send assistance – not Hamas (Konyndyk, “Virtual Media Briefing”). In 2022, a study was conducted showing that more than sixty percent of Gazans were “moderately or severely food insecure” (United Nations, “Food and Nutrition Fact Sheet”). Palestinians’ ability to work with agriculture and feed themselves has also taken a huge blow – in 2007, the Israel Defense Forces turned 29% of Gaza’s viable farmland into a buffer zone between the Gaza Strip and southern Israel (United Nations, “Farming Without Land”). And as of 2020, Palestinians were only allowed to fish within a 15 mile zone of the Gaza sea (B’Tselem, “Plunged Into Despair”).
Israel also controls the borders of Gaza and the West Bank, and they typically do not let in aid workers from foreign countries. Aid workers from Gaza are rarely allowed to leave the Gaza Strip in order to attend trainings, or even to confer with aid workers from the West Bank. In fact, according to Human Rights Watch, Israel enforces an almost complete ban on all travel to, from, and between Gaza and the West Bank – and maintains control over Palestine’s air and sea borders. But Israeli residents of the West Bank can come and go as they please (Human Rights Watch, “Unwilling or Unable”).
Apartheid
International human rights organizations agree that Palestine is under apartheid. Palestinians and Israelis do not have equal rights under Israeli law. For example, occupied parts of the West Bank are rife with segregation. Palestinians are forbidden from the city of East Jerusalem. They are legally not allowed to enter any Israeli settlements simply because of their race (Human Rights Watch, “A Threshold Crossed”). This is especially unlawful considering the fact that much of this land originally belonged to the Palestinians themselves. Another disparity between Israelis and Palestinians is that while distributing COVID-19 vaccines in 2021, the Israeli government did not allow Palestinians living in Gaza and the West Bank to be vaccinated (Amnesty International, “Denying COVID-19 Vaccines”).
But the stark differences between Israelis and Palestinians extend to more basic rights, too: According to Israeli law, “the right to national self-determination in the State of Israel is unique to the Jewish People” (Library of Congress, “Israel: Supreme Court”). This explicitly denies Palestinians the right to self-determination based solely on their race, which is the definition of apartheid. Israel is considered to be holding Palestinians under apartheid by international rights organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the United Nations. Palestinians living in occupied parts of the West Bank are not afforded the same opportunities as Israelis when it comes to jobs or land ownership (Human Rights Watch, “Rights Under Israeli Occupation”). Palestinians from Gaza and the West Bank are not even granted Israeli citizenship – but any Jewish person from any foreign country can immigrate to Israel and become an Israeli citizen automatically under the Law of Return and the Nationality Law. It is illegal for Palestinians to challenge any of these laws that elevate Jewish Israelis to a higher level of freedom, value, and consideration (United Nations, “Israeli Practices,” 32-33). The United Nations’ International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination has stated that Jewish and non-Jewish residents in Israel are heavily segregated. This is intentional.
Conclusion
Looking at Israel’s inhumane treatment of Palestinians, one can see the origins of their unrest, anger, and desire for revenge. Palestinians have attempted nonviolent protests, which did not reach liberation or equal rights – instead, it only led to Israel killing civilians. If the world wishes to avoid violent resistance by militant groups such as Hamas, it must intervene, and require Israel to lift all of the blockades and return all land stolen from Palestinians. Since over seventy percent of Gaza’s infrastructure has been destroyed with Israel’s indiscriminate carpet bombing over the past year (Guterres, “International Community”), large-scale efforts must also be dedicated to rebuilding the city. With a reconstructed Palestine, full withdrawal of the Israel Defense Forces, a lifting of the blockades, an end to the apartheid, and the return of Palestinians to their former homes, we can finally attain peace and justice.
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